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(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206476.jpg
On the heights of the Catholic popular district of Bogside in Derry-Londonderry, Northern Ireland. It was in this area that Bloody Sunday took place.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206477.jpg
The old town of Derry was fortified in the 17th century by English settlers who renamed it Londonderry in order to humiliate its inhabitants and thus better establish itself in the city. Since then, only Catholics (nationalists) still call the city "Derry", while Protestants (unionists) call it Londonderry. The fortification overlooks the bogside district, which is essentially Catholic.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206478.jpg
Message of support to the IRA on the fortifications of the old city of Derry-Londonderry. On the other side, the British district The Fountain. On both sides, there are many signs of provocation and communitarian belonging.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206479.jpg
Backyard in the Bogside-Creggan district, predominantly Catholic/Irish, Derry-Londonderry, Northern Ireland.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206480.jpg
Bogside district, predominantly Catholic/Irish, in Derry-Londonderry, Northern Ireland.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206481.jpg
Backyard in the Bogside-Creggan district, predominantly Catholic/Irish, Derry-Londonderry, Northern Ireland.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206482.jpg
Mural painting in homage to Republican women in the predominantly Catholic/Irish Bogside district of Derry-Londonderry, Northern Ireland.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206483.jpg
In the Bogside district, on Rossville street, the site of the Bloody Sunday drama. Mural fresco from a photo taken during Bloody Sunday. Catholic Bishop Edward Daly waved a bloody white handkerchief and helped the wounded out of the Bogside neighbourhood. This image has become a true Bloody Sunday icon.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206484.jpg
In Derry-Londonderry, pro IRA registration in the Catholic district of Bogside
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206485.jpg
Mural painting in the Bogside district, predominantly Catholic/Irish, Derry-Londonderry, Northern Ireland.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206486.jpg
Children in the Catholic Bogside district of Derry-Londonderry, Northern Ireland. In the working class neighbourhoods, young people are affected by lack of education, alcoholism, drugs, unemployment and communitarianism. In Derry-Londonderry, the unemployment rate is twice as high as the Northern Ireland average (7.9% compared to 3.8%).
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206487.jpg
Georgie Doherty has always lived in the Catholic district of Bogside. In 1974, at the age of 17, during riots in the Bogside with the British police, he lost his right eye after receiving a plastic flash-ball bullet.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206488.jpg
After some 20 years of investigation, the British judiciary announced on 14 March 2019 that it would prosecute a former British soldier for two murders committed during the Bloody Sunday on 30 January 1972 in Derry, Northern Ireland. This soldier, called "Soldier F", is charged with the murder of two men and attempted murders of four others. The other 16 British soldiers involved in this demonstration will not be prosecuted, the evidence available has been deemed "insufficient" by the British courts to consider prosecution. A total injustice for all the relatives of the 14 victims of this peaceful march.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206489.jpg
In Derry-Londonderry, a mural fresco in the Catholic district of Bogside, representing the 14 victims of Bloody Sunday.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206490.jpg
At the Museum of Free Derry, dedicated to Bloody Sunday, the casings of 108 live bullets fired by the British army at Catholic demonstrators in the peaceful march for civil rights. Bloody Sunday killed 14 people and injured about 15.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206491.jpg
Michael McKinney, brother of William McKinney (27 years old) killed in the back during Bloody Sunday while running for protection in Glenfada Park where the Museum of Free Derry is now located. British justice recently admitted that his brother was killed by Private F, the only soldier prosecuted during Bloody Sunday for the murder of 2 people. But for Michael McKinney, the injustice remains on behalf of all other families. For him, "it is clear that the British state covers its army".
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206492.jpg
John Kelly, founder of the Museum of Free Derry, dedicated to Bloody Sunday. He himself lost his brother, Michael Kelly (17 years old), killed while protecting himself behind a barricade. John Kelly was president of the Bloody Sunday Justice Campaign. Like all families, he was devastated at the announcement of the judgment of "total injustice". He plans to go to the High Court of Justice to have the whole case reviewed. But time is running out. Most of the soldiers involved are elderly. If they die before - 5 are already dead - no charges will be brought against them. And justice will never be done.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206493.jpg
Leo Young lost his brother John Young, 17, who was shot dead on Bloody Sunday while protecting himself behind a barricade. Leo was himself at the civil rights march. He was arrested while trying to drive an injured man to the hospital. He only learned of his brother's death two days later when he was released from prison. Three soldiers are believed to have been involved in his brother's death. None of them were prosecuted. The picture of his brother on the fireplace was taken at a party the day before he died.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206494.jpg
Leo Young lost his brother John, 17, who was shot dead on Bloody Sunday while protecting himself behind a barricade. Leo shows the prosecutor's report on the British army's involvement in his brother's death. Three soldiers, E, J and P, were suspected. Soldier E having died in the meantime, he will not be prosecuted. Like the other two, the available evidence was considered "insufficient" by the British courts.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206495.jpg
Jean Hegarty lost his younger brother Kevin McElhinney (17 years old), killed on Bloody Sunday while running to a building in the Bogside. She embarked on the Bloody Sunday justice campaign to set the record straight: at the time the British authorities were proclaiming that the victims were terrorists. At the announcement of the judgment, she admits that she was not surprised. His only fear would be that the 2 communities would tear even more because of Brexit.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206496.jpg
The Peace Bridge, inaugurated on 25 June 2011, which spans the Foyle River, connects the Cityside and Waterside districts. The western shore, Cityside, is predominantly Catholic. Most Protestants settled on the eastern shore, Waterside, at the beginning of the Troubles, either driven out by Catholic nationalists or out of a sense of insecurity. The bridge now brings the two communities closer together... in part.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206497.jpg
Loyalist / Unionist mural painting in the British enclave The Fountain in the medieval city of Derry-Londonderry, Northern Ireland. The edges of the sidewalks are painted in the colours of the Union Jack, the British flag and every evening, some doors in the medieval city close to buckle The Fountain. On the other side of the bricks and fence, Catholic residents have only recently removed the bars that protected their windows.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206498.jpg
British enclave in the Fountain district of the medieval city of Derry-Londonderry, Northern Ireland. The edges of the sidewalks are painted in the colours of the Union Jack, the British flag and every evening, some doors in the medieval city close to buckle The Fountain.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206499.jpg
Graham Warke, City Councillor for the town of Derry-Londonderry in Northern Ireland, member of the Brexit-minded Union Democratic Party (DUP). This former British army soldier does not want a border to return, but leaving Europe in case of a "no deal" does not frighten him.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206500.jpg
In Derry-Londonderry, in the heart of the British district The Fountain, the Cathedral Youth Club, a social, educational and cultural centre for young people. Most of them are from the district or from Waterside, another British district, on the other side of the Foyle river, which divides the city in two. The centre was founded in 1972 by David and Jeanette Warke, parents of Graham Warke.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206501.jpg
In the heart of the British district The Fountain in Derry-Londonderry, the Cathedral Youth Club, a social, educational and cultural centre for young people. Most of them are from the district or from Waterside, another British district, on the other side of the Foyle river, which divides the city in two. For them, the question of Brexit remains abstract. Most go to schools with a British majority and struggle to mix with Irish/Catholics. Steven (right), who did not experience the period of the Troubles, fears that "Catholics will take up arms again if it is a question of reforming a border". He takes note of the bomb that exploded on January 20, a few blocks from there, in front of the courthouse. Attack that has not been claimed. But he says he's ready to fight back.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206502.jpg
Jeanette Warke, a Protestant, founded the Cathedral Youth Club in 1972 with her husband David, a social, educational and cultural welfare centre. They were concerned at the time that some young Protestants were joining paramilitary groups. The centre was then in the British quarter of Waterside, where Protestants took refuge after being driven out of the city centre by Catholics. The centre is now in the British district The Fountain, in the city centre. Jeanette Warke is trying to teach young people in both communities respect and tolerance. But the divisions are still persistent.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206503.jpg
In the predominantly Catholic neighbourhoods of Brandywell and Bogside, the Long Tower Youth and Community Centre helps the most disadvantaged children and youth. Young people affected by lack of education, alcoholism, drugs, unemployment and community. The club tries to build bridges between communities through sports events or civic workshops. On April 3, youth from both communities were scheduled to attend a meeting with city councillors, veterans from both sides and members of the Northern Ireland Police (PSNI). But the presence of the latter was strongly criticised by a republican party, the Saoradh, forcing the cancellation of the meeting.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206504.jpg
Monica Jarvis, educator at the Long Tower Youth and Community Centre, a social, cultural and educational action centre for disadvantaged children in the predominantly Catholic Brandywell and Bogside neighbourhoods. She regretted the pressure to prevent young people in difficult neighbourhoods from establishing a dialogue between communities.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206505.jpg
In the predominantly Catholic neighbourhoods of Brandywell and Bogside, the Long Tower Youth and Community Centre helps the most disadvantaged children and youth. Young people affected by lack of education, alcoholism, drugs, unemployment and community. The club tries to build bridges between communities through sports events or civic workshops. On April 3, youth from both communities were scheduled to attend a meeting with city councillors, veterans from both sides and members of the Northern Ireland Police (NIPS). But the presence of the latter was strongly criticised by a republican party, the Saoradh, forcing the cancellation of the meeting.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206506.jpg
A painting depicting the "unfinished revolution" painted on the wall of the headquarters of the Saoradh, an extreme left-wing political party formed in 2016 by dissident republicans and campaigning for the island's reunification. The Northern Ireland Police (NIPS), mainly British, is considered by the most nationalistic Irish people to be an occupation "army".
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206507.jpg
Paddy Gallagher, spokesman for the Saoradh, an extreme left-wing political party formed in 2016 by dissident Republicans that is campaigning for the island's reunification. He demonstrated that day in defence of Irish political prisoners. On April 3, the Saoradh opposed a meeting between youth from both communities with city councillors, veterans from both sides and members of the Northern Ireland Police (PSNI).
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206508.jpg
Demonstration by the Saoradh, an extreme left-wing political party formed in 2016 by dissident republicans and campaigning for the island's reunification. He demonstrated that day in defence of Irish political prisoners. On April 3, Saoradh opposed a meeting between youth from both communities with city councillors, veterans from both sides and members of the Northern Ireland Police (PSNI).
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206509.jpg
MEP Martina Anderson in the Sinn FĂ©in offices in Derry-Londonderry. A former volunteer with the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA), Martina Anderson spent more than 13 years in prison for planning attacks in Britain. Upon her release, she actively participated in the drafting of the Good Friday Peace Agreements. For the MEP, Brexit has changed the deal: the idea of a united Ireland is gaining momentum in the Irish nationalist camp.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206510.jpg
MEP Martina Anderson in the Sinn FĂ©in offices in Derry-Londonderry. A former volunteer with the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA), Martina Anderson spent more than 13 years in prison for planning attacks in Britain. Upon her release, she actively participated in the drafting of the Good Friday Peace Agreements. For the MEP, Brexit has changed the deal: the idea of a united Ireland is gaining momentum in the Irish nationalist camp.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206511.jpg
In the Bogside district, a social club to support former republican political prisoners, most of whom were former IRA prisoners. The place is also a small museum with the reconstruction of a cell in Blocks H where prisoners were confined 24 hours a day. Behind the windows, IRA song records, rubber bullets fired by Protestant police and other "war treasures" related to the Troubles.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206512.jpg
Johnny Hegarty comes from Donegal in the Republic of Ireland but lives and works in Derry-Londonderry as a social worker. Like most young people of his age, he does not believe too much in the return of a border in case of a "no deal" of Brexit. The young people he meets don't care, more concerned about the growing unemployment in this city that is struggling to develop its economy. The unemployment rate is twice as high as the Northern Ireland average (7.9% compared to 3.8%). For Johnny, the border is mainly in the head of the population. He tells the incessant questions to know his origins. A name, a first name, sometimes even a physical feature can betray "his belonging" to the Republic or the Crown. He, the Irish, lives in Waterside, the British quarter on the other side of the Foyle. Every time he returns from his Gaelic sport training - typically Irish - he must hide any sign of his club to avoid reprisals.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206513.jpg
Mural painting of the "Derry girls", a series about a group of high school girls from Derry-Londonderry in the early 1990s, which was a huge success. The series speaks with a corrosive humour about the daily life of these teenage girls at the time of the Troubles.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206514.jpg
A sign of Irish Republicans in the Bogside district calling for Irish unity. Paradoxically, Brexit in the case of a no deal is a good argument for them to call for the reunification of the island.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206515.jpg
On the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland at the entrance to the village of Muff, about 15 kilometres from Derry-Londonderry. On the ground, only one line delimiting the bitumen change marks the border.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206516.jpg
Former customs post on the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland at the entrance to the village of Muff (Donegal) about 15 kilometres from Derry-Londonderry.
(London)Derry calling
Olivier Donnars / Le Pictorium
LePictorium_0206517.jpg
On the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland at the entrance to the village of Muff (Donegal) about ten kilometres from Derry-Londonderry. A stream marks the border. On the other side, Northern Ireland. Who knows what this demarcation will become in the event of a no deal and a hard border....